Environmental changes in biodiversity hotspot ecosystems of
South Ecuador: RESPonse and feedback effECTs (FOR2730)

Abstract:

The montane and premontane rainforests of southern Ecuador constitute a hotspot of biodiversity (cf. Brehm et al. 2008; Barthlott et al. 2007, Neill 2007). The use of plant resources from these forest areas is a fundamental part of the portfolio of livelihood activities of the local population. Increasing human activity however results in biodiversity loss. The extension of pastures and fields, logging, mining and the construction of roads represent the main threats to biodiversity in southern Ecuador. In order to develop conservation strategies it is of utmost importance to understand the plant and forest-use patterns of the inhabitants of this region. In this way, it will be possible to develop alternatives that consider local claims while conserving biodiversity (cf. Pohle et al. 2010). In this study ethnoecological and agrogeographical research methods have been used to make a qualitative analysis of the ethnospecific plant knowledge and plant use of the three main ethnic groups of southern Ecuador, namely the Shuar, the Saraguros and the Mestizos. This is followed by a discussion of the feasibility in the study sites of four so-called instruments for biodiversity conservation: agroforestry, ecotourism, payments for environmental services, and bioprospecting. The resulting ethnobotanical inventory includes 644 useful species and 16 main use categories. Edible and medicinal plants are the most important use categories. Ten percent of the identified species (64) has not been mentioned in the Encyclopaedia of the useful plants of Ecuador (de la Torre et al. 2008) so far. Herbs and trees represent the most common life forms used by all studied ethnic groups. The Shuar are traditional forest dwellers and have a comprehensive knowledge of plants: 316 different plant species with a total of 493 uses have been recorded. They are traditionally engaged in a number of livelihood activities that include fishing, hunting, and the gathering of wild plants. They get more than 40% of the plant species they use from the forests. In addition, they cultivate plant species which cannot be sufficiently (e.g. edible plants) or promptly (e.g. medicinal plants, ritual and mythical plants, fish poisons) extracted from the forest. The high number and variety of uses (ranging from edible fruits to shampoos and insecticides) reflect their wide plant knowledge. Similar to other Amazonian cultures, the traditional subsistence system of the Shuar is based on a combination of home gardens, slash and burn cultivation in forest gardens and the extraction of resources from the forest. In recent times the Shuar have entered the market economy through the small-scale production of cash crops, cattle ranching, and logging. At present population levels, the traditional home and forest gardens represent sustainable production systems and places of great agrobiodiversity (Pohle et al. 2010; Pohle & Gerique 2008; 2006). Increased production of cash crops could however result in habitat destruction. In addition, cattle ranching and logging have a negative impact. Pasture land competes with forest for land and requires the clearing of large tracts of forest. Due to the logging commercial timber, species such as Terminalia amazonia, Platymiscium pinnatum or Cedrelinga cateniformes have been over-exploited. The Shuar have apparently over-exploited game species as well, a factor that may have consequences in plant diversity: The zoochory or dispersion of seeds and other diaspores by wild animals could have been negatively affected. The possible over-use of certain non-timber forest products such as palm hearts remains unclear. Without being ?ecologically noble savages? (cf. Alvard 1993) the Shuar are effective partners for biodiversity conservation. Their land use system can be considered sustainable (Pohle et al. 2010; Pohle & Gerique 2008; 2006; Rudel et al. 2002). The inventory of the Saraguros of El Tibio and El Cristal comprises 230 plant species with a total of 310 uses; among the Mestizo of Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno, and La Fragancia 312 useful species with a total of 409 uses has been recorded. The ethnobotanical knowledge of the Saraguro and the Mestizo settlers is generally similar. They make little use of forest plant resources; less than 10% of the species used by the Saraguros and 5% of the species used by the Mestizos are forest plants, mostly timber species. The forest is considered a reserve for new pasture and maize production. In contrast to the Shuar, who mainly use wild species collected in the forest, the Saraguros and the Mestizos make an extended use of wild species that grow in disturbed sites and pastures. Most relevant are cultivated species, which represent half of the plants used by both ethnic groups. Cultivated plants are used in cattle ranching (e.g. fodder species, shade trees, living fences), and secure and diversify food supplies and plant remedies. Both groups make an extended use of cultivated ornamental plants. In recent times some families have introduced new ornamental species and sell them outside the communities. The ethnobotanical survey suggests that ongoing acculturation processes result in the loss of plant knowledge. Their integration into the market economy has probably replaced traditional self-made products with goods acquired in market places, which results in a loss of plant knowledge among younger generations (Reyes García et al. 2005; Benz et al. 2000; Putsche 2000). Most Saraguros and Mestizos have arrived in the area of study over the past six decades; the first settlers were poor landless farmers searching for land. The removal of trees for grazing and agricultural lands was a basic requirement to prove possession of land in order to get property titles from the Ecuadorian State (Barsky 1988). As a result, large areas of montane forest were cleared by burning. In this way, both ethnic groups have transformed most of the pristine vegetation of their communities into pastures. The construction of the road between Loja and Zamora during the 1960s attracted more settlers; they worked as day laborers or, if they had enough capital, bought existing fincas (Pohle & Gerique 2006). The road also allowed the exploitation of timber, mainly of the romerillo species (Podocarpus oleifolius and Prumnopitys montana). While the basic food supply is guaranteed by cultivation in fields and home gardens, cattle raising is market oriented. Today it represents the main land use system among Saraguros and Mestizos and fulfills multiple objectives: the production of beef and dairy products provides households with a regular income, it awards a prestigious social status, and represents a way of accumulating wealth. However, the forest is basically considered to be a reserve for new land for pastures and agriculture. The Saraguros and the Mestizos jeopardize in this way the sustainability of their economic systems; the forest, which is its own resource base, is being reduced. On the basis of these findings, the implementation of the above mentioned instruments for biodiversity conservation is discussed. In the case of the Shuar, ways must be found to conserve their traditional ecological knowledge during their inevitable transition to modernity and the market economy. It is necessary to foster additional sources of income that improve human well being and the conservation of biodiversity, and that make non-traditional, non-sustainable practices such as cattle ranching unnecessary. Without sustainable income alternatives, market forces and the demographic pressure would lead to an intensification of logging, large scale agriculture, and mining activities. Community-based ecotourism appears, in the short term, to be the most promising sustainable source of alternative income, followed by the implementation of agroforestry systems in the medium term. Other options such as payments for environmental services (e.g. REDD programs) and bioprospecting ventures appear less attractive, as they are hostage to political interests, bad image and unclear legislation. In the case of the Saraguros and Mestizos, the actual land use system based on cattle ranching turns out to be incompatible with the conservation of forest resources and long term household prosperity. Its significance in local economies should thus be reduced through diversification. An agroforestry system that includes reforestation, restoration and connection of forest patches, and sustainable selective logging could be implemented in the medium term (cf. Günter et al. 2009; Knoke et al. 2009a; 2009b; Stimm et al. 2008; Weber et al. 2008; Aguirre et al. 2006; Cabrera et al. 2006). In the short term, improved pasture management (including leguminous trees and living fences with useful species), and the small-scale production of niche products in home gardens could be alternatives to cattle ranching (Pohle et al. 2010). Market surveys should be conducted to determine the niche products, and economic safety nets that secure the introduction and viability of alternative sustainable land use activities need to be put in place. Payments for environmental services (e.g. payments for watershed protection or the Ecuadorian Socio Bosque Program) are an example of a way of generating the seed money for such projects. A network of long-distance trails could represent another way of generating alternative income in the region through ecotourism. Finally, to reduce the high scepticism towards conservation, improved environmental education and a readjustment of the borders of disputed protective forest areas must be considered. The realignment needs to take into consideration the demands of long-term inhabitants to gain credence among the local population.